The earliest published reports
about Korea: Richard Hakluyt and before
See Cheong Sung Hwa: A
Study of 16th century Western Books on Korea: The Birth of an
Image
The earliest known (probable) Western reference to Korea (where it
is thought that Solanga = North Korea
and Muc = Southern Korea) is found in The
iournal of frier William de Rubruquis a French man of the
order of the minorite friers, vnto the East parts of the
worlde. An. Dom. 1253 It was published by
Hakluyt in Volume 1 of his revised Principall Navigations
(1598), the Latin text from p.71, English from page 93 (image 121 of the
LOC version)
Next vnto Tebet are the people of Langa and Solanga, whose
messengers I saw in the Tartars court. And they had brought more
then ten great cartes with them, euery one of which was drawen
with sixe oxen. They be little browne men like vnto Spaniards.
Also they haue lackets, like vnto the vpper resemble the vestment
of a deacon, sauing that the sleeues are somewhat streighter. And
they haue miters vpon their heads like bishops. But the fore part
of their miter is not so hollow within as the hinder part :
neither is it sharpe pointed or cornered at the toppe : but there
hang downe certaine square flappes compacted of a kinde of strawe
which is made rough and rugged with extreme heat, and is so
trimmed, that it glittereth in the sunne beames, like vnto a
glasse, or an helmet well burnished. And about their temples they
haue long bands of the foresayd matter fastened vnto their miters,
which houer in the wind, as if two long homes grewe out of their
heads. And when the winde tosseth them vp and downe too much, they
tie them ouer the midst of their miter from one temple to another
: and so they lie circle wise ouerthwart their heads. Moreouer
their principal messenger comming vnto the Tartars court had a
table of elephants tooth about him of a cubite in length, and a
handfull in breadth, being very smoothe. And whensoeuer hee spake
vnto the Emperor himselfe, or vnto other great personage, hee
alwayes beheld that table, as if hee had found therein those
things which hee spake : neither did he cast his eyes to the right
hand, nor to the lefte, nor vpon his face, with whom he talked.
Yea, going too and fro before his lord, he looketh no where but
only vpon his table. Beyond the (as I vnderstand of a certainty)
there are other people called Muc, hauing villages, but no one
particular man of them appropriating any cattell vnto himselfe.
Notwithstanding there are many flockes and droues of cattell in
their countrey, & no man appointed to keepe them. But when any
one of them standeth in neede of any beast, hee ascendeth vp vnto
an hill, and there maketh a shout, and all the cattell which are
within hearing of the noyse, come flocking about him, and suffer
themselues to be handled and taken, as if they were tame. And when
any messenger or stranger commeth into their countrie, they shut
him vp into an house, ministring there things necessary vnto him,
vntill his businesse be dispatched. For if anie stranger should
trauell through that countrie, the cattell would flee away at the
very sent of him, and would become wilde.
Marco Polo's Travels include a
reference to a region called "Cauly" or "Kauli" which is
thought to be Korea.
References to and information about Korea (soon to be translated
into English by Hakluyt) were contained in passing in letters
written by the Jesuits stationed in Japan, including:
(In Italian) Copia
di due lettere annue scritte dal Giapone del 1589. & 1590.
L’una dal P. Vice Provinciale al P. Alessandro Valignano, Paltra
dal P. Luigi Frois al P. Generale della Compagnia di Giesu. Et
della Spagnuola nella Italiana lingua tradotte dal P. Gasparo
Spitilli della Compagnia medesima. pp.125. Rome.
1593
(In French) Lettre du Japon des annees 1591. et 1592. Escrite au
R.P. General de la Compagnie de Iesus. Et tournee d’Espagnol en
Italien par le P. Ubaldino Bartolini de la mesme Compagnie; et
maintenant en nostre langue vulgaire sur l’exemplaire imprime a
Rome par Louys Zanetti 1595... Douay. 1595 Digital
edition included in: University of Waterloo: La
série des lettres du Japon : éditions
publiées en français de 1571 à 1640
(In Italian) Copia
di due lettere scritte dal P. Organtino Bresciano della
Compagnia di Giesu dal Meaco del Giapone. al molto R. in Christo
P.N. il Claudio Acquaviva Preposito Generale. Tradotte dal P. Gio
Battista Peruschi Romano della medesima Compagnia. pp. Rome.1597
(In Spanish) : P. Luis de Guzman. Historia de las missiones
que han hecho los religiosos de la Compania de Iesus, para
predicar el sancto Evangelio en la India Oriental, y en los
Reynos de la China y Iapon... 2 vols. Alcala. 1601
Volume
1. On the invasion of Korea by the Japanese a
major account is found starting on Volume
2, Book 12, Chapter 14 page 501 No
English translation of this work seems to have been published.
One of the West's earliest
printed accounts of China was Historia
de las cosas más notables, ritos y costumbres del
gran reyno de la China by Juan
González de Mendoza (c. 1540 – 1617), first
published in 1585. This remained an important source until
Ricci's account De
Christiana expeditione apud Sinas suscepta ab Societate
Jesu was published in 1615 etc.
Richard
Hakluyt (1552-1616) was an avid collector of Spanish and
Portuguese maritime materials and, using Ramusio's Navigationi
et Viaggi (Volume
1, Volume
2, Volume 3) as a model, he published the first edition of
his Principal Navigations in 1589. This single volume book
mainly dealt with English navigational records. In 1589, Hakluyt
sponsored Robert Park's translation and publication of Mendoza's Historia:
The
history of the great and mighty kingdom of China and the
situation thereof. Subsequently in 1595, Hakluyt first
introduced Linschoten's Voyages
to English publishers and supported William Phillip's English
translation of the work from the Dutch original. This particular
work provided the English public with the first detailed
information on Korea. In 1601, Hakluyt himself translated Antonio
Galvao's The
Discoveries of the World. In 1598, Hakluyt
published the first volume of the second edition of The
Principal Navigations. Volume 2 followed in 1599, and volume
3 in 1600. A complete
modern edition was published in Glasgow in 1904 in 12
volumes, the descriptions of Korea are in Volume 11 of this
edition. Online images of Vols 1-2 in Library
of Congress ; Vol 3 in Library of
Congress
Hakluyt, Richard, 1552?-1616 The principal
navigations, voyages, traffiques & discoveries of the
English nation, made by sea or over-land to the remote and
farthest distant quarters of the earth at any time within the
compass of these 1600 yeeres. London, Imprinted by G.
Bishop, R. Newberie and R. Barker, 1598-1600
The following text can be found in Volume
3 of the Library of Congress images, from page 854
THREE SEVERALL TESTIMONIES
Concerning the mighty kingdom of Coray, tributary to the king of
China, and borthering upon his Northeast frontiers, called by the
Portugales Coria, and by them esteemed at the first an iland, but
since found to adjoyne with the maine not many dayes journey from
Paqui the metropolitan citie of China. The more perfect discovery
whereof and of the coast of Tartaria Northward, may in time bring
great light (if not full certaintie) either of a Northwest or a
Northeast passage from Europe to those rich countries. Collected
out of the Portugale Jesuites yeerely Japonian Epistles dated
1590, 1591, 1592, 1594, &c.
The first testimony containing a resolute determination of
Quabacondono [= Hideyoshi] the great Monarch of all Japan, to
invade and conquere China by the way of Coray, being a country
divided from the Iles of Japan onely by an arme of the sea about
twentie leagues broad, and abounding with victuals and all other
necessaries for the maintenance of the warres. Out of the
Epistles of father Frier Lewis Frois, dated 1590. [Cheong
Sung Hwa: basically a translated excerpt from Frois's annual
letter of 1590]
Quabacondono having subdued all the petie kingdomes of Japan, in
the yeere of our Lord 1590 (as father Frier Lewis Frois writeth in
his Japonian Epistles of the foresaid yeere) grew so proud and
insolent that he seemed another Lucifer; so farre foorth, that he
made a solemne vow and othe, that he would passe the sea in his
owne person to conquere China : and for this purpose hee made
great preparations, saying, that since hee is become Lorde of all
Japan, he hath nothing now to doe but to conquere China, and that
although he should end his life in that enterprize, he is not to
give over the same. For he hopeth to leave behinde him hereby so
great fame, glorie, and renowne, as none may be comparable
thereunto. And though hee could not conquere the same, and should
ende his life in the action, yet should he alwayes remaine
immortall with this glory. And if God doth not cut him off, it is
thought verily, that hee will throughly attempt the same. And for
his more secure passage thither, he is determined to leave behinde
him two Governours (after his maner) in the parts of Miaco with
the administration of Finqua ; and of those of his Monarchie he
saith that he will take with him all the great Japonish Lords, or
at the least all his principall subjects, and leave in his
dominions such guard and garisons as shall seeme best unto him.
And so having passed the winter, he meaneth to come to these
partes of Ximo, for from hence he is to set forth his armie, &
to passe to the land of Coray, which the Portugales call Coria,
being devided from Japan with an arme of the sea. And although the
Portugales in times past thought, that it was an Ile or Peninsula,
yet is it firme lande, which joyneth unto the kingdome of Paqui.
And he hath now stricken such a terror with his name in the
countrey of Coray, that the king thereof hath sent his ambassadors
hither to yeelde unto him a kind of homage, as he required ; which
ambassadors are now in the city of Miaco. And by this Peninsula of
Coray he may passe with his army by land in fewe dayes iourney
unto the citie or Paqui, being the principall citie where the king
of China hath his residence. And as the Chinians be weake, and the
people of Japan so valiant and feared of them, if God doth not cut
him off in this expedition, it may fall out according to his
expectation.
[III. page 855] But whatsoever become of China,
it is held for a certaintie, that his comming will cause great
alterations in these partes of Ximo, especially in this kingdom of
Figen, wherein are the princedomes of Arima and Omura, and all the
force of our Christianity : and he told Don Protasio when he was
with him once before, that he would make him a great man in China,
and that he would remoove these lordes, and deliver their
governments unto lordes that were Gentiles ; which would be the
ruine of all this Christianitie ; neither should we have any place
wherein to remaine. For, as it is the custome of Japan in the
alterations of estates and kingdomes (which they call Cuningaia)
to remoove all the nobilitie and gentry, and to leave onely the
base people and labourers, committing them to the government of
Ethnicks, wee shall hereby also leese our houses, and the
Christians shall be dispersed with their lords ; whom sometimes he
handleth in such sort, that he giveth them nothing to susteine
themselves, and so they remaine with all their followers, as men
banished, and utterly ruined.
The second Testimonie containing the huge levies and
preparations of Quabacondono, as also his warres and conquests,
and the successe thereof in the kingdome of Coray. Together with
a description of the same kingdom, and of their trafficke and
maner of government : and also of the shipping of China, Japan,
and Coray, with mention of certaine isles thereunto adjacent,
and other particulars very memorable. Out of the Epistles of the
aforesaid Father Fryer Luis Frois dated 1591, and 1592.
[Cheong Sung Hwa: a compilation of translated excerpts from
Frois's Annual Letters of 1591 and 1592, published in Rome in
1595]
About this time Quabacondono determining to put his warre against
China in execution, assembled sundry of his nobles and captaines,
unto whom he declared his intent ; who, albeit they were all of a
quite contrary opinion, yet all of them without any pretense of
difficulty approved his determination. For he had given out that
he would not abstaine from this warre, although his owne sonne
should rise from death to life and request him ; yea whosoever
would moove any impediment or difficulty in that matter, hee would
put him to death. Wherefore for certaine moneths there was nothing
in all places to be seene, but provision of ships, armour,
munition, and other necessaries for the warres. Quabacondono
making a catalogue of all the lordes and nobles his subjects,
willed every one of them (not a man excepted) to accompany him in
this expedition, injoyning and appointing to each one, what
numbers they should bring. In all these kingdomes of Ximo he hath
nominated 4 of his especiall favourites; whom (to all mens
admiration) he will have to be heads over all these new kingdomes,
notwithstanding that here are 4 others farre more mighty then
they. Of whom (by Gods good providence) two are Christians, to
wit, Augustine Eucunocamindono governour of half the kingdom of
Finga, & Cainocami the son of Quambioindono governour of the
greater part of the kingdome of Bugen. The other two are
Ethniques, namely Toranosuque governour of the halfe of the
kingdom of Finga and Augustins mortall enemie; and Iconocami
governour of the residue of the kingdome of Bugen, and an enemie
both to Augustine and Cainocami. And Quabacondono hath commanded
all the Christian lordes of Teximo to follow Christian governours.
Whereupon the lord Protasius was there with 2000 souldiers; &
Omurandono the lord of Ceuxima and Augustins sonne in law, which
lately became a Christian, with a thousand. Also he appointed that
the governours of Firando and Goto should follow Augustine, who
albeit they were Gentiles, had many Christians to their subjects.
Wherefore Augustine was to conduct 15000 souldiers, besides
mariners, slaves, and other base people to cary the baggage of the
army, all which being as great a number as the former, so soone as
they arrived in the kingdom of Coray, were made souldiers, and
bore armes. Unto the said Augustine, Quabacondono, in token of
singular favour, granted the first assault or invasion of the
kingdom of Coray, to wit, that he onely with his forces might
enter the same, the other lordes remaining in Ceuxima (which is 18
leagues distant from Coray) till they should bee advertized from
Augustine : which thing procured unto Augustine great envie and
disdaine from them all ; howbeit (as you shall forthwith
understand) it prooved in the end most honourable unto him. The
other Christian governour Cainocami being but a yong man of 23
yeeres, he commanded the king of Bungo to follow with 6000
souldiers ; so that with the 4000 which hee had before, his number
amounted unto 10000, besides mariners and others which caried
burthens. This was most joyful newes to us, and to all the
Christians. Of the Ethnick lords Quabacondono appointed the
governour of Riosogo together with Foranosuque to march with 8000
: and likewise the king of Sazeuma and Iconocami with as many. And
amongst all he gave the first and chiefe place unto Augustine. All
the other souldiers of Japan hee caused to accompanie his owne
person : the number of all together (as appeared out of a written
catalogue) amounting to three hundreth thousand persons : of whom
two hundred thousand were souldiers.
[III. page 856.] The order prescribed in this
whole armie was, that first they should make their entrance by the
kingdome of Coray, which is almost an island, one ende whereof
joyneth upon the maine lande of China; which though it be a
severall kingdome of it selfe, yet is it subject and tributarie
unto the king of China. And because this kingdom of Coray is
divided but by an arme of the sea from Japan, Quabacondono
determined to subdue the same, for that it so aboundeth with
victuals, that from thence he might the easier invade China. While
all things were preparing, it was commanded, that at the chief
port of Ximo called Nangoia, being twelve leagues distant from
Firando, there should be erected a mightie great castle ; where
Quabacondono with all his fleet was minded to stay, till newes
were brought of the successe of the aforesaid 4 governours or
captaines. Hee appointed also another castle to bee built in
Fuchinoxima, which is another island situate betweene Nangoia and
Ceuxima. And he built a third castle in Ceuxima, that his passage
might be the more commodious. The charge of building these castles
he imposed upon the 4 aforesaid governours, and commanded the
other lords of Ximo their associates to assist them ; all which so
applyed that busines, that in 6 moneths space it was wholly
finished. The castle of Nangoia was environed with a double wall
of square and beautifull stone, with broad and deepe ditches like
unto Miaco. The innermost wall being lesse then the other two was
100 fathom square, within the compasse whereof wer so many houses
built both for the lordes, and their followers, and also for
marchants shoppes, and victualers houses, distinguished with broad
and direct streetes, that it seemed a faire towne. But (that which
was much more admirable) all the way from Miaco to Nangoia, at the
ende of every dayes journey, all the lords and governours, at the
commandement of Quabacondono, built each one within his
jurisdiction new and stately palaces from the ground, so that for
20 dayes together he lodged every night with all his traine in one
of those palaces. And because these things were done at the very
same time when the expedition into the kingdome of Coray was in
hand, all Japan was so grievously oppressed (Quabacondono in the
meane while being at no charges) as it was most intollerable. Yet
is it incredible how ready every one is to do him service : which
appeareth by these magnificent stately buildings reared up in so
short a space, which in Europe would have required a long time and
huge expences. In the meane season it was commonly given out, that
this enterprize of Quabacondono would have most unfortunate
successe, as being a matter wrought by constraint, and that it
would be an occasion of manifold dissentions in Japan : for no man
there was, but misliked of this warre : yea, all the lordes were
in great hope, that some one man at length would step foorth and
restore their libertie ; howbeit there is none as yet found, which
dare put his hand to that businesse. Wherefore they were all
(though to their great griefe and lamentation) violently
constrained to prosecute the enterprize. But Quabacondono being
voyde of all anxiety, to the ende hee might encourage his
followers, boasted that hee would make great alterations of
kingdomes, and would bestow upon them the kingdoms of Coray and
China ; and unto the lord Protasius hee hath promised 3 kingdomes
: but he with all the other lords giving him great thankes, had
much rather retaine a smal portion of their estate in Japan, then
to hunt after all those kingdomes which he promiseth.
And whereas Quabacondono had by proclamation
published, that he would personally be present at Nangoia the 3
moone of this yeere ; troups and armies of men began to resort
from all the quarters of Japan to these parts. Now were our
afflictions renewed. For so long as Quabacondono remained at
Miaco, we might stay in these parts of Ximo without any danger :
but after he began to come this way, it seemed impossible for our
state to continue whole and sound, and we were put into no small
perplexitie. For the Christian lordes advised us, that sithence
Quabacondono was come so neere, all our companie that lived in the
Colledge, in the house of Probation, and in the Seminary, should
depart to some other place. And the Christians from Miaco writ
dayly unto us, that wee shoulde pull downe our houses and Churches
at Omura, Arima, and Cansaco, and that the fathers of Europe
should return unto Nangasaque in the secular habite of Portugals,
but that the Japonian Fryers should retire themselves unto several
houses of Christians, that so they might al remaine safe and out
of danger. But this remedy, as it was too grievous and subject to
many difficulties, so did it afford us but small comfort. In brief
the Father visitor talking of this matter with Eucunocamindono,
the lord Protasius, and Omurandono, before their expedition toward
the kingdom of Coray, found them, as before, in the same fortitude
of minde, being constant in their first opinion : neither would
they give any other counsel or direction, then that the fathers
should keepe themselves secret, and should only forsake their
houses at Arima, and Omura, wherein the Toni or great lordes would
have some of their kinsemen remaine. It was also thought
convenient, that the number of the Seminary should bee diminished,
and that of 90 there should onely remaine 50 in our scholes,
namely such as studied the Latine tongue. With the Father Visitour
[III. 857.] there came unto Nangasaque certaine Fathers and
Friers, which were said to be of Fungo and Firando. For the sayde
Father under the name of a Legate might retaine them with him more
openly.
About this time Quabacondono, that hee might
with some pastime recreate his Nobles which accompanied him ; and
also might declare, with how great confidence and securitie of
minde hee tooke upon him this expedition for China ; and likewise
to obscure the most renowmed fame of a certaine hunting and
hawking performed of olde by that mightie Prince Joritono, who was
Emperour over all Japan ; hee determined to ordaine (as it were)
another royall court of divers kindes of fowle. Whereupon beeing
accompanied with many great lordes and others, hee departed to the
kingdome of Oiaren, where his game had so good successe, that hee
caught above 30000 fowles of all sortes ; amongst which were many
falcons. Howbeit, for Quabacondono his greater recreation, and for
the more solemnitie of the game, there were also added many dead
fowles, which the Japonians with certaine poulders or compositions
know how to preserve sweete in their feathers a long time. This
game beeing ended, Quabain their condono returned with great pompe
unto Miaco ; before whom went great multitudes which carried those
thousandes of fowles upon guilded canes. Next after these followed
many horsemen sumptuously attired, carying a great number of
Falcons and other birdes. After them were lead many horses by the
reines, most richly trapped. Next of all were brought Coscis or
Littiers very stately adorned : after which was carryed
Quabacondono himselfe in a Littier of another fashion, like unto
those which in India are called Palanchins, which was made in
China, with most curious and singular workemanship, and was
presented unto him by the Father Visitour, and seemeth exceedingly
to content him, for that in all actions of solemnitie hee useth
the same. Last of all followed a great troope of Princes and
Nobles bravely mounted on horsebacke, and gorgeously attired,
thereby the more to delight Quabacondono, who in triumphant sort
beeing welcomed by the way, with the shoute and applause of
infinite swarmes of people, entred the citie of Miaco.
Now when the time of sayling towardes China
approched, Quabacondono determined first to proclayme his nephew
Inangondono his successour, and governour of all Japan, to the
ende hee might supply his owne roome in the time of this warre.
And therefore he commanded the Dairi to transferre unto his sayd
nephew the dignitie belonging to himselfe, calling him by the name
of Taicusama, that is to say, Great lord. Which dignitie was in
such sort translated, that albeit he assigned unto his nephew
large revenues, together with that princely title, yet himselfe
remained the very same that he was before. The day of the sayd
translation being appointed, hee summoned all the Princes of Japan
to appeare, and to sweare obedience unto this his nephew : Who
with great pompe going unto the Dairi to receive that dignitie at
his hande, had surrendred unto him the Castle of Miaco, and the
palaces of Quabacondono to dwell in.
Thus at the beginning of the third moone, he
set forward on his journey to Nangoia, having before given order,
that Augustine should passe over into the kingdome of Coray, and
that his other Captaines should remayne in Ceuxima. Wherefore, the
twentieth day of the third Moone hee came unto Nangoia, where the
companies of the other lordes beeing numbered, were founde to bee
200000. persons, besides those that were conducted by the foure
foresayde governours. In the meane season Augustine with his
forces, and with a Fleete of eight hundred arrived at Coray. In
whose armie the lord Protasius excelled all others ; for though
hee had but the leading of 2000. souldiers, yet for the goodnesse
of his armour, and the beautie of his ships, he was admired of all
men. At their very first entrance they wonne 2. castles of the
kingdome of Coray by maine force, wherein the Corayans reposed
great confidence ; for they were environed with mighty high
walles, and defended with great multitudes of souldiers, and with
a kinde of gunnes of 2. spannes and ½. long, which in stead
of bullets discharged with a terrible noise woodden arrowes headed
with forked points of yron : but the sayd gunnes beeing able to
hurt but a small distance off, and the Japonians being furnished
with brazen ordinance unknowen unto the Corayans, they presently
drave them from their walles, and with ladders made for the same
purpose of great canes, they forthwith scaled the same, and
planted their ensignes thereon ; the Corayans indeed for a short
time making resistance, but after a while betaking themselves to
dishonorable flight, 5000 men of their part being slaine, and of
Augustines but 100. and 400. wounded. Augustine perceiving that
the Corayans could not endure any long assault, determined to take
upon himselfe, and his armie the whole burthen and honour of this
warre, and not staying for the governours his associates, to march
up into the heart of the kingdome, and to the principall City ;
[III. 858.] unto which determination all the lordes that were with
him gave their consent. This was (no doubt) a bolde, yea, and in
some sort, a rash enterprise of Augustine : but yet it argueth a
wise and valiant minde in him. But this long delay was so greevous
to the Captaines which in Ceuxima expected the successe of the
warre, that before they heard any newes at all concerning the
surprize of the two Castles, they brought Augustine in suspition
among their friends, that hee ambitiously affected the honour of
the whole warre. Which thing beeing knowen unto Quabacondono, he
was so troubled in mind even before he came to Nangoia, that
suddenly hee commaunded the other Captaines to set sayle from
Ceuxima. But when Quabacondono was come to Nangoia, and heard
newes of the two Castles taken, and that Augustine pursuing the
victorie proceeded on towards the Miaco, that is to say, The
kingly citie of Coray, and was determined to invade the same also
(all which Augustine himselfe wrote, and requested him to send the
other captaines and commanders to assayle the kingdom on all
sides, and to furnish the castles which he had taken and should
take, with garisons of souldiers, because as yet he had not men
enough to hold those fortresses which he had wonne) he was
surprized with such unspeakable joy, as he affirmed openly, that
in all Japan he had no subject comparable to Augustine : and that
neither Nabunanga, nor himselfe ever knewe any man indued with so
valiant and couragious a mind. I (saith he) knowing against whom
and with what forces I waged warre, subdued by litle and litle all
Japan unto me : but Augustine in so short a time and with so small
forces, hath boldely set his foote in a forren region, and with
most glorious victory hath subdued the mightie kingdome of Coray.
Wherefore (quoth he) I will reward him with many kingdomes, and
wil make him next unto my selfe the greatest Prince in all Japan.
Hee added farther, that now his owne sonne seemed to bee risen
from the death : and that whosoever durst either disgrace or
extenuate the deedes of Augustine, he would grievously punish him,
not respecting whether hee did it upon reason or malice. By this
speach the name and report of Augustine grew so honourable amongst
all men, that those which most envied his estate, durst not speake
one ill worde of him, but highly commended him before
Quabacondono.
This kingdome of Coray extendeth in length
about 100. and in bredth 60. leagues. And albeit the inhabitants
in nation, language, and strength of body (which maketh the people
of China to dread them) be different from the Chinians, yet
because they pay tribute to the king of China, and exercise
traffique with his subjects, they doe after a sort imitate the
Lawes, apparell, customes, and governement of the Chinians. They
border on one side upon the Tartars, and other nations, with whom
sometimes they have peace, and sometimes warre : but with the
Chinians they have continuall peace. They are speciall good
bow-men ; but at other weapons, because they have but few, and
those bad, they are nothing so skilfull. Wherefore they are not
comparable to the Japonians, who by reason of their warres are
continually exercised in armes, and are by nature more couragious
and valiant, being furnished with yron-peeces, with lances, and
with excellent swordes. Onely in shipping they are inferiour to
the Corayans and Chinians, by reason of the hugenesse of their
Ships which they use upon the sea. Wherefore, if they were to
joyne battels by sea, there is no doubt but that both the
foresayde Nations would be too hard for them. But now because they
knewe nothing of the comming of the Japonian armie, or for that
they doubted that their sea-forces were the stronger, or els
because God was determined to punish them, he suffered them to be
destitute of all the defence of their shipping, so that the
Japonians without any resistance landed upon their dominions.
Now the fame of Augustines victory causing the
armie notably to increase, and the Mariners, and many others which
caryed burthens (as they were trained up in warre from their
childhood) bearing armes, while the Corayan captives supplied
their baser offices : so great a terrour possessed all the people
of Coray where Augustine came, that all the castles and fortresses
which hee passed by were forsaken by their garisons, and all men
fled for refuge to the principall city. And while other commanders
and Christians sent from Ceuxima and Nangoia shaped their course
for Coray, Augustine had pitched his campe neere unto the foresaid
principall citie : of the which being come within 3. dayes
journey, he was encountered by 20000. men ; whom at the very first
assault, having slaine 3000. of them, hee put to flight. But
approching very neere unto the citie, and having passed a river,
hee maintained a valiant conflict at a certaine narrow passage
against 80000. Corayans, 8000. whereof were slaine, and a great
number drowned in the river. Heere while Augustine appointed all
his troopes to remayne for two dayes, to the end they might
somewhat refresh their wearie limmes, the king of Coray seeing
himselfe besieged by his enemie, and that many other Japonian
lordes with strong armies invaded his kingdome on all sides,
determined to have his citie strengthened with garisons, and to
retire himselfe [III. 859.] into the in-land of China. Which by
reason of the abundance of horses that he had, he was able right
commodiously to performe. Whereupon the second or third day after,
Augustine without any resistance entred the head-city, being
presented with great store of victuals and gifts by them that
remained therein. Thus Augustine, with other captaines his
associates, became lord of the principall citie, and wonne all the
honour of the victory unto himselfe : for albeit by this time the
other captaines were come from Ceuxima, and many from Nangoia, yet
they found all things performed to their hands.
Quabacondono being advertised of this second
victory, yeelded as much honour unto Augustine as he could
possibly devise, speaking so highly to the commendation both of
him, and of other Captaines his associates, as if but the tenth
part of his faire promises come to effect, they shall be farre
greater then they are, and Augustine (next unto himselfe) shall be
the principall person in all Japan. And now he is become so famous
in the Court, and throughout the whole kingdome of Japan, that at
all their meetings and assemblies there is no talke but onely of
the valour and fortitude of Augustine, who in twentie dayes space
hath subdued so mightie a kingdome to the Crowne of Japan. And all
the Nobles account him a most happy man, being astonished at the
immortall renowme which he hath attained unto by this exploite :
yea, and Quabacondono sent forthwith unto him, as unto the
conquerour and vanquisher of the Corayans, in token of great
honour, a two-edged sword and a horse, which among the Japonians
is a pledge of the most peerelesse honour that can possibly be
done to a man : and this very gift did Nabunanga in times past
send unto Quabacondono, when hee had in any battel wonne any
kingdome from Morindono. And by this great event the power of the
Christians God, and his providence towards his children is knowen
not onely to the Christians, but even to the very Ethnicks
themselves, for that in the heate of such extreme persecution it
hath pleased his divine Majestie to lay the honour of all this
warre upon Christian lords. Wherefore we doubt not, but they wil
prove more mighty and famous then ever they were.
Hence it commeth to passe that the Portugals
ship come from China, hath wintered in Japan : by which occasion
the presence of the father Visitour hath bene a great comfort not
onely to us, but to all the other Christians, who in regarde of
the departure of so many men with Quabacondono and his captaines
to the warres, thought they should have bene left utterly forsaken
and destitute, had not the father Visitour, in whom they reposed
all their confidence, remayned here. But the singular providence
and love of God towards us appeared in this, that hee would have
the sayd Ship, contrary to their usuall custome, to winter in
Japan. For when Quabacondono having obteined that victorie, was
determined to returne unto Ximo, they were all shrowded under the
protection of the foresayd Father ; who hearing that hee was
entred into Nangoia, caused Frier John Rodorigues and the
governour of the Portugal ship to salute and welcome him. For the
Christians of Miaco, which succeeded in their roomes that went for
Coray, advised him in their letters so to doe.
And it was very acceptable to Quabacondono to
see the Portugals Captaine General attended upon by so many
Portugals sumptuously attired, and comming with so many shippes in
the company of Frier John Rodoriguez and hee asked the Frier how
the father Visitour did ? And whether the presents to the Vice-roy
liked him ? As also, that hee tooke it in very good part that the
Father had wintered in Japan, and that the Frier should stay with
him. Afterward writing an answere to the father, he declared
therein the great favour which he bore to the captaine of the
ship. Whom, having familiarly entertained him for the space of 2.
houres, hee dismissed with evident tokens of good will. After the
Captaines returne, Frier Rodoriguez staying behinde above a
moneth, attempted very often to speake with Quabacondono, of whom
hee was alwayes most kindly used. Afterward by reason of sicknesse
hee returned to Nangasaque ; whereupon Quabacondono demaunded why
he was not cured at the same place where himselfe remained ?
Jacuino answered, that beeing a stranger, hee was to bee cured
with such diet and medicines, as were not there to bee had : with
which answere hee was satisfied. Hence it is, that by often
conferences which were made by reason of the ambassage,
Quabacondono waxeth every day more courteous and affable. And yet
for all this, new occasions of troubles and afflictions are not
cut off: for certaine it is, that Quabacondono hath given out,
that if he have good successe with his warre against China, he
will make great alterations of estates, in assigning the kingdomes
of Coray and China to the Christian princes, and placing in their
roomes Ethnick lordes throughout Japan: which thing might redound
to the ruine and destruction of all Christianitie heere, neither
should the Christians finde in Japan any place of refuge. And
albeit Augustine had certainly informed the father Visitour of the
sayde alteration of [III. 860.] estates, and Jacuine had written
unto Augustine, that Quabacondono had fully determined to alter
the states or governments of Ximo, and so consequently the state
of Augustine, and of the Christian princes of Arima and Omura ;
yea, and that the said two princes had notice thereof: yet
almightie God with the eyes of his infinite mercy hath vouchsafed
to regard the prayers of his faithfull servants (who for this
cause were most perplexed and sorowfull) and to provide this
remedie following.
The Corayans having intelligence, that their
king and the forces which hee caried with him were in safety, went
the greatest part of them, with as much victuals as they could
get, and hidde themselves in the mountains and woods, remaining
there with such hate and indignation against the Japonians, that
with promise of safe conduct they could by no meanes be drawen out
of their starting holes. Wherefore albeit the Japonians have all
the castles and places of defence in their owne possession, yet
because they want people to tille the ground, and to doe them
other necessary services, they cannot chuse but foregoe all that
which they have woon. Moreover, the common high wayes are so
pestered with theeves and murtherers, that unlesse the Japonians
march in whole troopes all together, they are suddenly oppressed
with swarmes of Corayans issuing foorth of the woods. Many of the
Corayans also have retired themselves unto the neighbour-islands,
from whence with numbers of great ships, to the mighty losse of
the Japonians, they assaile their small and weake ones, and have
already sunke many of them. Wherefore all the Japonian lords which
remaine in Coray have written unto Quabacondono, that his army
must for a certaine time in no wise remoove from the place where
it is, for avoyding of such imminent dangers as in proceeding
further it may incurre. Upon these advertisements Quabacondono
being ready to take his journey to Coray, to divide the whole
kingdome, was hindred from his purpose, and sent most friendly
letters to all his nobles, willing them to be of good cheere, for
that he would not deale about altering of their estates, till 3.
yeres were expired: whereupon they were eased of exceeding great
care and grief. For albeit there is no great trust to be given to
his words, yet we hope that this yere he wil not meddle : what he
wil doe afterward, God knoweth. In Coray at this present there are
above 200000. Japonian souldiers, who at the commandement of
Quabacondono are divided throughout the whole kingdom. Augustine
lieth upon the very extreame frontiers of China: but because the
Chinians are separated from the kingdome of Coray with a mighty
river of 3. leagues broad, and abound with great ships, and have
planted innumerable troopes of men upon the shore, the successe of
the warre remayneth most doubtfull and uncertaine. Neither doe wee
know whether the Japonians will proceede any farther this yeere or
no.
The third testimony of Coray, signifying (amongst other notable
and politicall observations) the later successe of the warres of
Japan against Coray ; and to what end Quabacondono still
mainteineth garisons in that kingdome. Out of the Epistles of
Father Organtino Brixiano, bearing date from Japan Anno 1594.
[Cheong Sung Hwa: a translated excerpt of the Annual Letters of
1594 by Bresciano, published in Milano in 1597.]
The whole Empire of Japan is now in the handes of this king
Quabacondono : and (which hath not bene knowen since the first
creation thereof) there is not the bredth of one foote throughout
all the whole Island, which is not absolutely subject unto him.
And hee reigneth in so great peace and tranquilitie, that if his
successors follow the same course of government, there is no
likelihood of future sedition or perturbation in any of the
kingdoms. And doubtles the meanes which he useth to establish
continuall peace and concord among the Japonians, are very great
and effectuall.
One is, that after he hath passed his publique
promise, he never putteth any of his adversaries to death, which
his predecessour Nabunanga performed not : for he having subdued
any kingdom, would put all the lords and governours to the sword.
But this king granteth unto them not only life, but also yerely
revenues, whereby to maintaine themselves in an honest and meane
estate : in which regarde they all rest contented, and willingly
submit themselves.
Another is, in that he hath brought the
husbandmen and pesants (by whose assistance & wealth all the
pety-kingdoms were after a sort susteined) unto such extreme
poverty, that they have scarce wherewithall to keepe life and
soule together : as likewise hee hath bereaved them of all kinde
of weapons.
The third is, because hee hath most streightly forbidden all
contentions, seditions, frayes, and skirmishes. For whosoever be
found culpable of this crime, they dye every man of them on both
parties. If any escape by flight, their kinsefolks are punished in
their stead ; and for lacke of them, their servants ; and for
defalt of both their next neighbours. If many were guilty, many
are punished and suffer death: but hence it commeth to [III. 861.]
passe, that many innocent persons are constrained to die. And this
severitie is the cause, why there are at this present so seldome
frayes and contentions in Japan.
The fourth is, that in administring of justice
hee is most upright, without all respect either to his owne
kindred, or to his ancient captaines, or the blood royall, or any
of the Bonzii, bee they never so famous : and being once
advertized of a crime, hee pardoneth no man. And albeit himselfe
is exceedingly addicted to women, yet will he permit none of his
subjects to have any concubines. For which cause not many dayes
agoe, hee banished a Bonzio of great wealth, being in alliance and
dignitie most neere unto himselfe. And being informed that all the
Bonzii of Miaco kept concubines, hee would have put them all to
death, had not the governour of Miaco promised, that hee would
undertake to keepe them from offending any more in that kinde.
Wherefore hee caused all the Bonzii every moneth to bee sworne,
that they should live honestly upon paine of death : as also hee
hath sworne the heads or superiors of all their religious houses
under paine of death, to give up their names whom they most
suspect of the foresayd crime. Hence it is, that all of them (if
you regard their outward estate) live in extreme feare.
The fift is, for that hee suffereth none of his
souldiers, nor his great lordes to live in idlenesse. If there be
no warres for their imployment, hee occupieth them in building of
stately palaces, and in raising new fortresses, or in repairing
and strengthening of olde, and also in performing other notable
workes, to the ornament of Japan, and to his owne lasting honour.
So that at this present neere unto Miaco there are thirtie
thousand men imployed about the building of one castle ; and in
the citie of Bozacca above an hundred thousand : which imployments
afforde them neither place nor time to practise any rebellions.
The sixt is his altering of governments : for
hee remooveth his governours from one extreme part of Japan to
another.
The seventh, for that unto his souldiers
(besides the ordinarie pay continually allotted unto them for
their service) in time of warre hee alloweth victuals at his owne
costes. Wherof it commeth to passe, that hee effecteth whatsoever
hee thinkes good by their meanes. Neither hath hee hitherto waged
any warre, wherein his enemie was not vanquished, according to his
owne desire : this late warre of China onely excepted, which farre
surmounted all his forces. Howbeit in the kingdome of Coray hee
maintaineth as yet great garisons, as well to keepe his honour, as
to constraine the Chinians to sue for peace.
The eighth is, in that hee curbeth and
restraineth persons of ambitious and aspiring mindes, who (as hee
conjectureth) after his death might worke some innovations in the
common wealth, or disturbe the kingdomes.
The ninth is, because hee hath on no side
within foure or five dayes journey of Miaco, any mightie or
industrious captaine or governour.
The tenth and last is, for that hee hath
brought his yeerely revenues to two millions of gold.
By these courses and meanes, wee are in good hope that firme peace
will bee established in all these kingdomes, and also that a fit
way will be prepared, for the conversion of all the great lordes
unto Christian religion.